Monday, March 26, 2007

Bush impeachment on the table, Hagel says



From the Associated Press
March 26, 2007

WASHINGTON — Some lawmakers who complain that President Bush is flouting Congress and the public with his Iraq policies are considering impeachment an option, a Republican senator said Sunday.

Sen. Chuck Hagel of Nebraska, a member of the Foreign Relations Committee and a frequent critic of the war, stopped short of calling for Bush's impeachment.

But he made clear that some lawmakers viewed that as an option should Bush choose to push ahead despite public sentiment against the war.

"Any president who says 'I don't care' or 'I will not respond to what the people of this country are saying about Iraq or anything else' or 'I don't care what the Congress does, I am going to proceed' — if a president really believes that, then there are … ways to deal with that," Hagel said on ABC's "This Week."

The White House had no immediate reaction to Hagel's comments.

Hagel, who is considering a presidential run, said he was bothered by Bush's apparent disregard of congressional sentiment on Iraq, such as his decision to send additional troops.

The senator said that lawmakers now were ready to stand up to the president when necessary.

In the April edition of Esquire magazine, Hagel described Bush as someone who didn't believe he was accountable to anyone.

"You can impeach him, and before this is over, you might see calls for his impeachment," Hagel told the magazine.

Saturday, February 24, 2007

Thursday, February 22, 2007

HR 508

H.R.508 Title: To require United States military disengagement from Iraq, to provide United States assistance for reconstruction and reconciliation in Iraq, and for other purposes. Sponsor: Rep Woolsey, Lynn C. [CA-6] (introduced 1/17/2007) Cosponsors (49) Latest Major Action: 2/2/2007 Referred to House subcommittee. Status: Referred to the Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law.

Where is Bill Delahunt? Call and ask him to co-sponsor this bill!


Latest Major Action:
2/2/2007 Referred to House subcommittee. Status: Referred to the Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law.
SUMMARY AS OF:
1/17/2007--Introduced.

Bring the Troops Home and Iraq Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2007 - Declares that it is U.S. policy to: (1) end the occupation of Iraq; (2) accelerate the training and equipping of Iraq's military and security forces; (3) pursue security and stability in Iraq through diplomacy; (4) help preserve the territorial integrity of Iraq as a nation state; (5) account for any missing U.S. Armed Forces personnel or U.S. citizens in Iraq; and (6) turn over internal security activities and military operations in Iraq to the elected government of Iraq within six months.

Repeals the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002.

Requires the withdrawal from Iraq of all U.S. Armed Forces and contractor security forces within six months.

Prohibits, with exceptions, fund use to continue deployment of U.S. Armed Forces in Iraq.

Prohibits: (1) the construction of permanent U.S. military installations in Iraq; and (2) production sharing agreements for Iraqi petroleum resources.

Limits the total number of personnel at the U.S. embassy in Iraq.

Authorizes the President to: (1) support the deployment of international stabilization forces in Iraq; (2) provide assistance for an Iraqi reconstruction corps, mine and ordinance clearing, cultural and historical restoration, and for an Iraqi institute of peace; and (3) establish international funds to redevelop Iraqi civic and health institutions.

Revises authorities respecting the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction.

Provides for compensation of Iraqi noncombatant civilian casualties.

Provides funding availability for veterans health care.

Establishes the Joint Select Committee to Review the Origins and Conduct of Operation Iraqi Freedom.

Tuesday, February 20, 2007

The Concept is called Cape Care



CAPE CARE The Cape Care model

How do you spell relief?

For visionary Province-town physician Brian O’Malley, the letters spell Cape Care.

This proposed “single-payer” health insurance program, endorsed by 10 town meeting votes, could bring relief from worry for thousands of Cape Codders without year-round health insurance. It could also relieve doctors, dentists and clinics of the paperwork that consumes up to a third of every health-care dollar. Most important, it could relieve the whole system of the pressure of ever-rising costs.

The Cape Care working group is comprised of medical professionals and citizens, including Chamber of Commerce executive Wendy Northcross and Barnstable County Human Services chief Len Stewart, whose constituents struggle every year with health-care costs. They believe there must be a better way.

A simpler way.

The problem has been that, to many Americans, “single payer” sounds a little too close to “socialized medicine.” That’s why the state’s ambitious new plan to try to get all state residents under some form of medical insurance, starting Jan. 1, fell back on the old model: many different insurance products and managed-care companies assigned a piece of the pie, with employers still responsible for insuring the bulk of workers, and traditional payments for the poor through state social-service conduits.

It’s complicated. And much more expensive than it need be.

One example from the Cape Care talking points jumps out: Under a single-payer system, insurance company systems would still be needed to process much-simplified claims. The difference would be their profit motive and their cost. According to O’Malley, when the “Blues” process Medicare claims under contract to the government, they work on a 4 percent margin. On their own commercial policies, it’s 25 percent.

This patchwork of handlers is one reason America spends so much more for health care, yet doesn’t assure humane universal coverage. According to the journal Health Affairs, U.S. citizens paid $5,267 per person for health care in 2002, 53 percent more than any other industrialized country.

Cape Care doesn’t promise that a county-wide, single-payer setup would halve the cost. Its financial model assumes that the same money we and our employers pay now in insurance premiums, out-of-pocket costs, deductibles, etc. would fund the new plan. What Cape Care does promise is universal coverage.

O’Malley isn’t shy about calling it “a social insurance system.” We already have examples of these in our towns: public schools and the fire department.

We’re not at the point of fully endorsing the Cape Care model until we see more details about how it would work and how the costs would be distributed, but we commend the grassroots effort and the working group’s desire to build consensus.



Health returns as hot issue in '08 race

Candidates shift focus to preventive care

MANCHESTER, N.H. -- Healthcare, a major theme in the 1992 presidential campaign, has returned as a critical issue in the 2008 contest. But this time, contenders in both parties are placing new focus on preventive care as a way of improving public health and ultimately reducing the skyrocketing cost of medical care.

One presidential candidate wants to give earned days off to federal workers who exercise regularly and do not smoke, while another would press schools to ban junk food. Another candidate plans to reward people who undergo regular physicals and engage in healthy lifestyles with discounts in their health insurance premiums.

Mike Huckabee, former Republican governor from Arkansas, has led the charge for giving financial incentives -- including tax breaks and paid days off -- as rewards for healthy behavior.

Democrats Bill Richardson, governor of New Mexico, and John Edwards, former US senator from North Carolina, are proposing similar ideas. Other presidential contenders have raised the issue on the campaign trail in New Hampshire.

While specialists say spending money on preventive care -- such as lowering childhood obesity rates through healthy school lunches and offering incentives to quit smoking -- may not make much of a dent in overall healthcare costs, the candidates say that preventative efforts can reduce painful, expensive-to-treat illnesses such as lung cancer and diabetes.

"Everything about the whole system is upside down," Huckabee said in a recent interview. "Doctors are rewarded for treating sick people, not keeping them well."

Candidates say they are committed to tackling the biggest health crisis: finding coverage for the 47 million Americans who do not have health insurance, a widening gap that the candidates say increases health costs for everyone.

Edwards, the only major party candidate so far to offer a detailed healthcare plan, wants to make health insurance mandatory nationwide, as Massachusetts has done for its residents.

But unlike in previous campaigns when candidates have focused almost entirely on the uninsured, the early presidential candidates are talking about promoting wellness as a way to avoid the high costs of treating cancers, heart disease, and other ailments.

"I think you're going to see a prevention component of virtually every candidate's healthcare reform" plan, said Drew Altman , president of the Kaiser Family Foundation, a healthcare advocacy group. But he said the idea could not take the place of expanding health insurance coverage and controlling costs on a large scale.

"Nobody can pretend we can cover 47 million uninsured people without a huge outlay of money to do it," Altman said.

Among Democrats, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois and Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York, who tried and failed to pass a universal healthcare plan when she was first lady in the 1990s, have discussed preventive care in their early campaign appearances in New Hampshire. Neither has issued a detailed plan, although Obama said he would unveil his in the coming weeks.

The issue is personal to Huckabee, who as Arkansas governor dramatically changed his eating habits and began exercising after a doctor diagnosed him with Type 2 diabetes in 2003.

Huckabee shed 110 pounds, competed four marathons, and instituted a Healthy Arkansas Initiative to encourage state residents to stop smoking, lose weight, and exercise more. Arkansas state employees now receive discounts on their health insurance premiums in exchange for practicing good health habits.

Richardson, who recently announced his candidacy for the Democratic presidential nomination, has already banned junk food in New Mexico schools, installed school-based clinics that provide mental health services as well as medical tests, and reinstituted physical fitness classes in schools where it had been eliminated.

As president, Richardson said in an interview, he would give tax breaks to businesses that grant company time and on-site gym equipment to employees who want to exercise, and he would reward schools that eliminated foods such as chips, soda, and candy from their cafeterias.

"I believe we've got to focus more on preventive care, especially with kids," Richardson said. "In the long range, you get better health for all Americans."

While no lawmaker can force someone to lose weight or stop smoking, Huckabee said, governments can provide incentives that lead to behavioral changes. If elected president , Huckabee said, he would also give tax incentives to businesses that promote healthy habits, and he would allow federal workers to earn time off for good health behavior, the positive alternative to sick days.

Although elementary and secondary schools are largely under local control, Richardson asserts that the federal government has some control over school nutrition guidelines and funds some of it, giving the government leverage when it comes to school menus .

Edwards's healthcare plan is meant to cover all Americans by 2012 either through their employers or through a series of new "health markets," nonprofit plans run by states or groups of states. The health markets, offered to individuals and businesses that do not provide their own health coverage plans, would include lower health insurance premiums to individuals who take advantage of free checkups and enroll in "healthy living programs," an Edwards campaign spokeswoman said.

Healthcare specialists welcomed the candidates' ideas on preventive care but said the concept would not help slow the escalating cost of overall healthcare.

"I think they all feel the need to say something about [healthcare] costs. And who can argue against the logic of prevention?" said John McDonough , executive director of the Massachusetts-based Health Care for All. "The problem is, how do you do it in a way that makes a difference?"

Conducting numerous medical tests, for example, may catch some ailments early, he said, but on a mass scale the price of the tests may drive healthcare costs even higher.

Alan Sager , a Boston University health policy and management professor, said he worried the candidates "are talking about costs in ways that are politically safe and largely irrelevant financially."

Fast-growing healthcare costs will not be contained, he said, until lawmakers grapple with the more politically difficult issues of hospital payments, drug prices, and doctors' fees.

Huckabee said wellness programs would not only lower medical costs, but also increase Americans' productivity at work.

"This isn't just a feel-better" plan," Huckabee said. "It has real economic advantages. And it's something I've not only talked about; I've lived it."

Cape & Islands Health Insurance for All Becoming More Than Wishful Thinking
To Your Good Health - An Independent Health Care Newsletter
Vol. 13, No. 1, Page 3, Winter 2005
An essay by Brian O'Malley, MD

Can you imagine how secure we each would feel, living in a place where we had affordable, comprehensive health insurance, with full freedom of choice of our health care providers? That this insurance covered all acute and chronic care, both inpatient and outpatient, rehabilitation, preventive services, medications, supplies, and even long-term care. And that your family, and all your neighbors, were also covered.

And that, whether you worked for a small or large business, or ran one, or were self-employed, or retired - you would be equally covered. That both you, and your health care providers, would be freed to concentrate on maintaining your health - rather than worrying about the adequacy of your coverage.

In fact, every resident of Cape Cod and the Islands would have just this insurance, if a proposed social insurance program, currently referred to as Cape Care, were to be developed and adopted here.

It would cover all residents of the Cape and Islands with a non-profit health insurance program, governed and administered locally. The existing network of health care providers here on the Cape and Islands would maintain their existing ownership and governance. This program would simply provide a uniform insurance coverage, much like Medicare, for the great majority of their patients.

For people without health care insurance for any part of the year, it would bring the security of access to regular health care services, without barriers. For employed people, the security of coverage, independent of changes in their jobs. For those with coverage, the security of controls on the runaway costs.

And for the health care providers of the region, relief from the enormous paperwork burden - estimated to consume one-third of our income. Relief from the arbitrary coverage denials, the frustrations of the referral and prior approval processes. Relief from the multiple contracting demands of competing insurers.

The reduction in administrative expenses would fund the expanded coverage. Because we already pay in many, many ways for health care-associated costs, new money will not be required. We currently pay an extravagant price for our health care- more, in fact, than any other population on earth. Unfortunately, much of this spending doesn't actually buy any health care. Despite years of patches - futile efforts to cover all the people who remain without health care coverage - this goal remains unaffordable and unattainable.

The administrative costs of the growing tangle of programs amount to as much as 39% of the health care dollar in Massachusetts. Simplified insurance programs - including Medicare itself, and national health insurance programs - operate at 5% or lower overhead. Reduction to this level would save, literally, hundreds of millions of dollars each year for the Cape and Islands. Current health care expenditures and entitlements would be channeled, creating a health care fund that pays for all care. Simplified claims processing and a uniform set of procedures will ensure low operating costs for the system.

In addition to the administrative costs, further savings are expected. Two aspects of this proposed model address significant failings in the current market-based approach. The power of medications to effectively treat disease is becoming limited by their runaway costs.

Practicing physicians confront this dilemma daily. A rational drug formulary, developed with expert guidance and local control, would help control these costs. Instead of forcing each consumer to find and negotiate their own best 'deal', volume discounting for both covered medications and Durable Medical Equipment would give us collective strength - and substantial savings.

Finally, the most important cost saving of all, is that achieved by improvement in our collective health by reducing the burden of illness. Preventive health care and early detection services form a cornerstone in this effort. Ongoing care for chronic illness by skilled providers who know the individual patient - does reduce the long-term complications of disease. These services would be covered, and their access facilitated for all.

Information systems would link health care providers. And, taking guidance from the findings of the many in-depth community surveys conducted by the human service agencies of our three water-surrounded counties, our resources would be focused on the key needs of our people. One of the driving concepts is to use coverage as a policy tool to provide the health care services particularly needed in our community.

Groups of dedicated and knowledgeable people have been meeting for almost a year now, shaping and clarifying its vision. The Lighthouse Health Access Alliance, composed of health and human service professionals working on Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket, has provided an important supporting role in this development. Over the next several years we will begin interim steps to provide health insurance coverage to those with the greatest unmet needs.

We currently envision a 501(c)3 not-for-profit organizational structure, with a Board of Directors, and professional administration. A separate Health Policy Advisory Board, of community representatives and health care providers, would be responsible for setting standards, coverage, preventive health services, etc.

In coming months, we will continue to study the many implications of such a program for the health and the economy of our region. Each and every one of us is a stakeholder in this discussion and this process. It will be up to us to shape it according to our collective vision. We have only to imagine the sense of security that could be ours with Cape Care, and believe sufficiently in our ability to succeed, to motivate our labors.

Saturday, February 17, 2007

Congress Concurs with the Majority of People Say No to Surge!


Today, Congressman Bill Delahunt released the following statement on House Con. Resolution 63, which passed the House by a vote of 246-182:

“This is a dangerously wrong-headed strategy that will drive America deeper into an unwinnable swamp at a great cost. And if it's carried out it represents the most dangerous foreign policy blunder in this country since Vietnam.”

This assessment the Bush escalation policy was made by the Republican Senator from Nebraska, Chuck Hagel – a decorated Vietnam veteran who originally supported the invasion of Iraq.

And I concur with his observation. But his conclusion should come as no surprise. After all, this Administration’s Iraq policy has been a series of mistakes and bad choices from the beginning.

The Bush/Cheney team was obsessed with Iraq. In fact, according to former Secretary of the Treasury Paul O’Neill, their very first National Security Council meeting focused on Saddam and Iraq. Just days after President Bush was inaugurated. And a map, noting Iraqi oilfields and potential bidders for oil contracts, was presented for review. That was in February 2001. Months before 9/11!

We all remember that awful day in September 2001. When America was attacked by al Qaeda. Not Iraq. But by al Qaeda. Nevertheless, almost immediately, plans for attacking Iraq were initiated. With the Vice President as its most vigorous advocate. Secretary Powell is reported to have observed that the Vice President had “the fever” – war fever.

Former counterterrorism czar Dick Clarke has described how, even as the smoke was still rising from 9/11, the Administration began looking for ways to use it to attack Iraq.

The American people were told that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. That he was a clear and imminent threat. That he was an ally of al Qaeda. That if we did not invade Iraq, there could be mushroom clouds over American cities.

None of that was true. To the contrary, there was plenty evidence that the secular Baathists of Saddam Hussein’s regime and the religious fanatics of Osama bin Laden’s al Qaeda were rivals. In fact bin Laden had publicly condemned Saddam as an apostate who had corrupted Islam and repressed Muslims. There was little evidence that Saddam’s regime possessed nuclear or biological weapons, or – even if it did – that it would share such materials with an uncontrollable group of apocalyptic terrorists like al Qaeda.

But the Administration did not listen to those who knew what they were talking about. Professionals like Greg Thielmann, the Director of the strategic, proliferation and military issues office in the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research. He told me personally that in his professional opinion, after years of studying the issue, Saddam did not have a nuclear weapons program.

Instead, the Administration relied on the likes of Ahmed Chalabi. An embezzler who had been convicted in Jordan of bank fraud. Who is alleged to have provided Iran with information about US troop movements. And who is presumably still under investigation by the FBI.

Chalabi provided so-called “defectors” from Iraq who – surprise, surprise – said exactly what the Administration wanted to hear. The most notorious was code-named “Curveball” – how appropriate – and was the source of the now-discredited claim about a mobile bioweapons program. The German intelligence agency warned that the man did not live in Iraq and described him as an "out of control" and mentally unstable alcoholic. It later turned out that he was the brother of one of Chalabi’s top aides. But he was one of the primary sources for Secretary Powell’s statement at the United Nations that convinced many to support the war.

Furthermore, in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq, the Administration told the American people that it would be easy. That we would be greeted as liberators. That Iraq would pay for its own reconstruction. And that peace and democracy would flourish.

None of that was true. The American people were sold a bill of goods. But those of us who raised doubts were ignored. Some even questioned our patriotism.

But the responsibility for this mess is not the President’s alone. It is shared by the preceding two Congresses, which abdicated their constitutional responsibility to oversee and review the conduct of the war and the occupation. We will never know if serious oversight and insisting on answers over the past four years would have made a difference.

But we do know that thousands of Americans and Iraqis have died. Billions of American and Iraqi taxpayer dollars have been wasted. The Middle East is on the verge of a war that could devastate the region and the global economy. And terrorist groups are multiplying because of Iraq. Some confuse the war on Iraq with the war on terror. But that could not be further from reality.

The fact is that the war in Iraq has severely damaged our efforts to fight al Qaeda and terrorism. That’s not just my judgment: that’s the consensus judgment of US intelligence agencies. In April 2006, they prepared a National Intelligence Estimate. It represents the consensus judgment of the entire US intelligence community. Here’s what it said:

“The Iraq conflict has become the “cause celebre” for jihadists, breeding a deep resentment of US involvement in the Muslim world and cultivating supporters for the global jihadist movement.

Meanwhile, the war in Iraq has done nothing to stop al Qaeda and its affiliates from launching attacks around the world. I refer you to a Dear Colleague letter sent by two of our Republican colleagues which clearly describes that reality. It includes a list of attacks that plainly demonstrates that terrorism is global in nature. While we are stuck in the sands of Iraq, radical Islamists are launching major assaults everywhere. Because this Administration, as a result of its bungled misadventure in Iraq, has hurt our efforts against terrorism.

Remember, we were attacked on September 11, not by Iraq, but by al Qaeda. Which was based in Afghanistan. And we responded, with worldwide support, by going to war against al Qaeda and liberating Afghanistan from al Qaeda’s allies, the Taliban. But then what happened? The Administration took its eye off the ball. And invaded Iraq. It’s as if we had responded to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor by invading Mexico. Even though we had not yet defeated al Qaeda, the Administration pulled intelligence and Special Forces assets from Afghanistan in order to prepare for the invasion of Iraq. Now we are in danger of losing Afghanistan to al Qaeda and their Taliban allies.

Enough. As Senator Hagel said, this is “Alice in Wonderland…it is folly.” And the American people know it. It’s time to get back to fighting the terrorists. It’s time to concentrate on victory in the war on terror.

Oppose the escalation. Support the resolution.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
He still needs to sign on to HR 508 and co-sponsor this bill!
Call Bill about the Bill for war!

Washington, DC
2454 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515
202-225-3111
Fax: 202-225-5658

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508-771-0666
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617-770-3700
Toll-Free: 800-794-9911
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Send Congressman Delahunt an Email


URGE HIM TO SUPPORT HR-508!

Friday, February 16, 2007

How Iraq Resolution Dissidents Fare Politically at Home

New York Times -February 16, 2007


It was practically a party-line vote Friday afternoon when the Democratic-controlled House passed a non-binding resolution disapproving President Bush’s decision to increase U.S. troop strength in Iraq.

But it was not a perfect party-line vote. Among the 246 members voting for the resolution were 229 Democrats — and 17 Republicans. And while 180 Republicans provided the bulk of the votes against the measure, they were joined by two Democrats. (Six members did not vote and there is a vacancy in Georgia’s 10th District caused by the death on Tuesday of Republican Rep. Charlie Norwood.)

Assuming, probably safely, that the controversial war in Iraq will remain a central issue through the 2008 campaign season, members’ votes on this resolution will be talking points in many campaigns.

But only a handful of the 19 members who crossed party lines appear — at least at this very early phase of the 2008 campaign cycle — to face even the prospect of serious electoral challenges next year.

The two Democrats who voted no are both Southerners who projected conservative images and represent mostly conservative constituencies: Jim Marshall, a Vietnam War veteran from Georgia’s 8th District, and Gene Taylor, who represents southern Mississippi’s 4th District that gave more than two-thirds of its votes to Bush in the 2004 presidential elections.

Of these two, only Marshall is considered at this point as potentially vulnerable. Running in a district redrawn by Republican state lawmakers in a mid-decade redistricting, Marshall narrowly outlasted his Republican challenger, former Rep. Mac Collins, in 2006.

The 17 Republicans who backed the resolution come from a somewhat diverse range of political ideologies. The list includes some prominent GOP centrists, such as Michael N. Castle of Delaware’s at-large district and Mark Steven Kirk of Illinois’ 10th District. But it also contains Republicans with conservative voting records, such as Howard Coble of North Carolina’s 6th District and Ric Keller of Florida’s 8th.

This group also includes Rep. John J. “Jimmy” Duncan Jr. of Tennessee’s 2nd District and Rep. Ron Paul of Texas’ 14th, who is exploring a bid for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination. Though both overall have strongly conservative records, they are the only two Republicans in Congress today who voted against the 2002 resolution that authorized Bush to wage military operations in Iraq.

What connects most of these GOP members, regardless of their ideological orientation, is that most come from relatively “safe” Republican districts. Of the 17, 13 exceeded 55 percent of the vote in 2006, most by a wide margin. Bush ran ahead of the Democratic nominee, Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry, in 14 of the 17 districts in the 2004 presidential election.

But there are a few pro-resolution Republicans whose districts produce some measure of sentiment against the Iraq war.

The three members in this crossover group who represent “Kerry-Republican” House districts — Delaware’s Castle, Illinois’ Kirk and James T. Walsh of New York’s 25th District — all had vote percentages in 2006 that were their lowest in any of their House re-election campaigns, as did Thomas M. Davis III of Virginia’s 11th District, which went just narrowly for Bush in 2004.

Also enduring closer than usual races in 2006 in districts that favored Bush by modest margins two years earlier were Phil English of Pennsylvania’s 3rd District and Keller, who represents Florida’s 8th District

CQPolitics.com senior reporter Greg Giroux has compiled the following information about the 19 House members who voted against most members of their own party on the resolution opposing the troop increase in Iraq. Each member of Congress is identified by his state and district; the vote percentage they received in their 2006 re-elections; and the result of the 2004 presidential election in the district.

House Republicans voting for the resolution of disapproval (17)

• Michael N. Castle, Delaware’s At-Large

2006 Vote: 57 percent

2004 President: Kerry 53 percent

Long a partisan swing state, Delaware recently has leaned increasingly Democratic. But eight-term Rep. Castle is a long-popular moderate who previously served eight years as governor.

• Howard Coble, North Carolina’s 6th

2006 Vote: 71 percent

2004 President: Bush 69 percent

After a pair of close races at the start of his 12-term career, Coble has cruised to easy wins in this central North Carolina GOP stronghold.

• Thomas M. Davis III, Virginia’s 11th

2006 Vote: 55 percent

2004 President: Bush 50 percent

His visible engagement on local issues and relatively moderate profile benefits seven-term incumbent Davis, who has long had ambitions to serve in the Senate. But a Democratic trend in the Northern Virginia suburbs he represents is making him less safe.

• John J. “Jimmy” Duncan Jr., Tennessee’s 2nd

2006 Vote: 78 percent

2004 President: Bush 65 percent

A member of a local political dynasty in east Tennessee, 10-term Rep. Duncan has name ID and a partisan cushion in this Republican stronghold.

• Phil English, Pennsylvania’s 3rd

2006 Vote: 54 percent

2004 President: Bush 53 percent

English, in his seventh term, combines GOP loyalties with some moderate overtones, including an outreach to organized labor. But in the anti-Republican mood of 2006, his vote share in his Erie-centered district dropped 6 points from two years earlier.

• Wayne T. Gilchrest, Maryland’s 1st

2006 Vote: 69 percent

2004 President: Bush 62 percent

Though not exactly a maverick, this mild-mannered former teacher, now in his ninth House term, has distanced himself from party leaders before, especially on environmental issues.

• Bob Inglis, South Carolina’s 4th

2006 Vote: 64 percent

2004 President: Bush 65 percent

Straying from the party line is a relatively rare thing for the conservative Inglis. One of the few House members to stick to a term-limit pledge in the 1990s, he lost a Senate race in 1998 but returned to win an open House seat in 2004 and now is in his fifth term overall.

• Timothy V. Johnson, Illinois’ 15th

2006 Vote: 58 percent

2004 President: Bush 58 percent

Johnson, a moderate Republican in his fourth term, has a largely rural eastern Illinois district that is Republican enough to consistently provide him with comfortable margins.

• Walter B. Jones, North Carolina’s 3rd

2006 Vote: 69 percent

2004 President: Bush 68 percent

The namesake son of a late conservative Democratic House veteran, Jones had to explain his early and vocal criticism of Bush’s handling of the war to his strongly conservative constituency in 2006, but won a seventh term with ease. The district contains the Marine Corps’ massive Camp Lejeune installation.

• Ric Keller, Florida’s 8th

2006 Vote: 53 percent

2004 President: Bush 55 percent

After having to battle for a fourth term in 2006 in an Orlando-area district, Keller is likely to face another Democratic initiative to oust him next year.

• Mark Steven Kirk, Illinois’ 10th

2006 Vote: 53 percent

2004 President: Kerry 52 percent

An image as a leading House GOP moderate, combined with strong intellectual skills and a background in foreign policy, appeared to give Kirk political security in Chicago’s northern suburbs. But his percentage dropped sharply as he bid for a fourth term in last year’s tough political atmosphere, and Democrats may try to probe his vulnerability.

• Steven C. LaTourette, Ohio’s 14th

2006 Vote: 58 percent

2004 President: Bush 52 percent

Bush’s 2004 showing among LaTourette’s northeast Ohio voters suggests this is close to a swing district. But a weak Democratic recruiting effort in 2006 gave the party little chance of seriously testing the incumbent as he won a seventh term with ease.

• Ron Paul, Texas’ 14th

2006 Vote: 60 percent

2004 President: Bush 67 percent

A physician and former Libertarian Party presidential nominee, Paul has the nickname of “Dr. No” — earned mainly from his contrarian opposition to nearly all spending bills — that extends to some military issues he views as foreign entanglements. In his ninth full term over three separate tenures, Paul has taken a tentative step toward entering the 2008 GOP presidential race.

• Tom Petri, Wisconsin’s 6th

2006 Vote: 99 percent (no Democrat ran)

2004 President: Bush 56 percent

Now in his 14th full term, Petri has had only one relatively close re-election contest and has run several times without Democratic opposition. So he has the latitude now and then to differ with his party.

• Jim Ramstad, Minnesota’s 3rd

2006 Vote: 65 percent

2004 President: Bush 51 percent

Ramstad’s relatively moderate views and strong personal popularity have made Democrats view him as virtually untouchable after nine election victories. But Bush’s narrow lead here in 2004 suggests Democrats would have a shot in this suburban Twin Cities district should Ramstad ever retire.

• Fred Upton, Michigan’s 6th

2006 Vote: 61 percent

2004 President: Bush 53 percent

In his 11th term, Upton has a generally conservative record, but has stood apart on some issues ranging from the environment to gun control to fiscal issues — and now the Iraq War.

• James T. Walsh, New York’s 25th

2006 Vote: 51 percent

2004 President: Kerry 50 percent

Based on the 2006 results, Walsh may be highest on the Democrats’ 2008 target list among Republicans who broke with their party on the Iraq resolution. After being bolstered for years by his seat on the Appropriations Committee, Walsh faced the political fight of his career in 2006 before narrowly prevailing to win a 10th term.

House Democrats voting against the resolution of disapproval (2)

• Jim Marshall, Georgia’s 8th

2006 Vote: 50.5 percent

2004 President: Bush 61 percent

Marshall’s break with the Democratic line on the Iraq resolution wasn’t a new thing: He has been more supportive of Bush’s Iraq policy than most Democrats throughout the conflict. His success at projecting an image as a conservative Democrat was vital to his win for a third term in 2006, when he had to overcome former GOP Rep. Mac Collins and an unfavorable redistricting map.

• Gene Taylor, Mississippi’s 4th

2006 Vote: 80 percent

2004 President: Bush 68 percent

His consistent record as one of the most conservative House Democrats has enabled Taylor to grow deep roots in this southern Mississippi district since winning a 1989 special election, even though the 4th otherwise has a strong Republican edge.

© 2006 Congressional Quarterly

Congress Concurs with the Majority of People Say No to Surge!

House OKs measure opposing troop surge

By DAVID ESPO, AP Special Correspondent 3 minutes ago

The Democratic-controlled House issued a symbolic rejection of President Bush's plan to deploy more troops to Iraq on Friday, opening an epic confrontation between Congress and commander in chief over an unpopular war that has taken the lives of more than 3,100 U.S. troops.

The vote on the nonbinding measure was 246-182.

"The stakes in Iraq are too high to recycle proposals that have little prospect for success," said Speaker Nancy Pelosi (news, bio, voting record), leader of Democrats who gained power last fall in elections framed by public opposition to the war.

"The passage of this legislation will signal a change in direction in Iraq that will end the fighting and bring our troops home," she vowed.

Bush's Republican allies said repeatedly the measure would lead to attempts to cut off funds for the troops. Outnumbered, they turned to Rep. Sam Johnson (news, bio, voting record) of Texas to close their case — and the former Vietnam prisoner of war stepped to the microphone as lawmakers in both parties rose to applaud his heroism.

"Now it's time to stand up for my friends who did not make it home, and for those who fought and died in Iraq already," he said. "We must not cut funding for our troops. We must stick by them," he added, snapping off a salute as he completed his remarks to yet another ovation.

Bush made no comment on the developments, and his spokesman said the commander in chief was too busy to watch the proceedings on television.

After a secure videoconference with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, Bush said the Iraqis were reporting progress: providing troops to fight alongside Americans, making sure that no ethnic or religious factions are ignored in the security operations, providing $10 billion toward reconstruction and working on an oil revenue-sharing law.

The developments in the House marked the first vote of the new Congress on the war. Roughly 400 of 434 lawmakers spoke during four days of a dignified debate — an unusual amount of time devoted to a single measure.

Moving quickly, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (news, bio, voting record), D-Nev., has called a test vote for Saturday on an identical measure, and several presidential contenders in both parties rearranged their weekend campaign schedules to be present.

Republicans said in advance they would deny Democrats the 60 votes they need to advance the resolution, adding they would insist on equal treatment for a GOP-drafted alternative that opposes any reduction in funds for the troops.

The developments unfolded as a new poll showed more than half those surveyed view the war as a hopeless cause.

A sizeable majority, 63 percent, opposes the decision to dispatch more troops, although support for Bush's decision has risen in the past few weeks from 26 percent to 35 percent, according to the AP-Ipsos poll.

The House measure disapproves of Bush's decision to increase troop strength, and pledges that Congress will "support and protect" the troops.

Bush has already said passage of the measure will not deter him from proceeding with the deployment of another 21,500 troops, designed primarily to quell sectarian violence in heavily populated Baghdad.

Already, troops of the Army's 82nd Airborne have arrived in Iraq. Another brigade is in Kuwait, undergoing final training before proceeding to Iraq. Three more brigades are ticketed for the Baghdad area, one each in March, April and May.

In addition, the Pentagon is sending two Marine battalions to Anbar province in the western part of the country, the heart of the Sunni insurgency.

Bush and his allies in Congress calculated days ago that the House measure would pass, and increasingly have focused their energy on the next steps in the Democrats' attempt to end U.S. participation in the war.

"I'm going to make it very clear to the members of Congress, starting now, that they need to fund our troops," Bush said earlier this week, a reference to legislation that requests more than $93 billion for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

As developments on Capitol Hill went forward, the White House sought to play down the impact of the debate and vote. The president himself made no comment on it — with his spokesman saying he was too busy to watch — and turned instead toward Iraq. He reported after a secure videoconference with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki that progress is being made.

The president said that the Iraqi leader briefed him on several recent steps by his government: providing troops to fight alongside Americans, making sure that no ethnic or religious factions are ignored in the security operations, providing $10 billion toward reconstruction and working on an oil revenue-sharing law.

"I was pleased that he's meeting benchmarks that he has set for his government," Bush told reporters. "That's good news for the Iraqi people. And it should give people here in the United States confidence that his government knows its responsibilities and is following through on those responsibilities."

Democrats have made clear in recent days they will use Bush's spending request to impose certain standards of readiness, training and rest for the troops.

"That stops the surge (in troops) for all intents and purposes, because ... they cannot sustain the deployment," Rep. John Murtha (news, bio, voting record), D-Pa., said recently.

Republicans pointed to his remarks repeatedly during the day as evidence that despite their claims to the contrary, Democrats intend to cut off funds for the troops.

"This is all part of their plan to eliminate funding for our troops that are in harm's way. And we stand here as Republicans...committed to making sure our troops in harm's way have all the funds and equipment they need to win this war in Iraq," said Rep. John Boehner (news, bio, voting record) of Ohio, the Republican leader.